Media in central African conflicts: a difficult choice between impartiality and propaganda

By Sylvie Niombo for APCNews BRAZZAVILLE, Congo,

Information has become a powerful weapon that can be manipulated during times of conflict. This was seen again in central Africa between 1993 and 1994, as revealed by Sylvie Niombo of APC-Africa-Women in her analysis of the work, The media and conflicts in Central Africa, edited by Marie-Soleil Frère and published in 2007 by the Panos Institute of Paris.


Media pluralism hindered by poverty


The authors of the collective work reveal that there has been an emergence of media pluralism since the 1990s, after a long walk through the desert when the “master’s voice”, that is the state media, served as a monopoly.


The private media, especially newspapers and radio stations, have multiplied in number with no assurance of their take-off or independence. Although the audiovisual sector remains under state control, numerous private radio and television stations have been created.


Newspapers appear irregularly because of high production costs, low purchasing power, high illiteracy rates and attacks on press freedom. This is the case in the DRC, Burundi and the Central African Republic, the authors point out.


Media in conflicts: for or against the warring factions?


Although the role of the media in stirring up conflicts is known in particular through the case of Radio Télévision des Milles Collines in Rwanda
(RTLM) – which supported the genocide of the Tutsi people – other media have played similar roles. In Burundi, newspapers became weapons of war. Generally, the media of the sub-region took an aggressive, defamatory tone, incited tribalism during conflicts, and had been manipulated by political parties, the authors report.


The media is lacking the means to ensure balanced and quality coverage in conflict areas, acknowledges a Journalists in Danger report quoted in the work. They must resort to scraps of information handed out by the state media, or publish rumours. As the media resists, and attempts, above all, to stay neutral, it is often intimidated and subjected to arbitrary action. Finally, in accordance with political obedience, several press organs on the side of those losing the conflict disappear from the media landscape.


Press funding generally results in politicisation of the media. Journalists are either employed by the state or funded by political parties, on behalf of whom they relay propaganda and prejudice. They are also sometimes involved in “camorra” or “gumbo” to top up their income. These practices, particularly common in the Congo and in Gabon, ensure that the articles are favourable to the sponsors.


A regulatory framework, deemed overly repressive, obliges journalists to keep their mouths shut


The safety of journalists is threatened in times of social crisis and war. The regulatory framework becomes repressive, and sets itself up as a formidable obstacle to the exercise of the freedom of expression and journalistic protection.


As a result of repression, notably exercised by police infiltration, journalists go into exile, and private press organs suffer from a lack of personnel.

Taboo subjects: the rebellion, economic scandals and social tensions


The issue of access by rebel forces to the media is very sensitive. 


In the eyes of the authorities, giving a voice to anyone carrying a critical message can be dangerous. Journalists are therefore forced to be their own censors. Cases are cited in Cameroon, Burundi, the DRC, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and Chad. The subjects and themes, which inter alia touch on the army, corruption, the president and the government, are the most sensitive. Censoring these subjects is generally done in the name of safeguarding national unity.


Opportunities missed, some limits


However, our analysis of the book showed up insufficient information on the electronic press. A single case of action against the electronic press was mentioned in the book.


Then, the influence of numerous partisan websites, which have been created especially by those in exile or the diaspora, whose reality is not covered by the book.


Are male and female journalists affected differently by repression and conflicts? Is there a feminist press in times of conflict? What are the weaknesses of women’s professional associations? With regard to the contribution by international organisations to the media sector, have there been any gender considerations? These are interesting issues which could have been looked into.


In summary, the book The media and conflicts in central Africa has the merit of providing detailed information on the role of the media in times of conflict and social crisis, and identifying deterrents to freedom of expression. In this latest search for professionalism, journalists need support to redress the situation. The public, tired of partisan and extremist media, tend much more towards impartial and “messianic” types of media, supposed to restore hope.


Image: Publisher Lynne Rienner Pub. Copyright.

Author: —- (Sylvie Niombo for APCNews)
Contact: sylvie at apcwomen.org
Source: APCNews
Date: 08/15/2007
Location: BRAZZAVILLE, Congo
Category: Media and Internet


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